Fresh Man Laws

E-Verify is an Internet-based system operated by Department of Homeland Security (DHS/U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) in partnership with the Social Security Administration (SSA). E-Verify is currently free to employers and is available in all 50 states. E-Verify provides an automated link to federal databases to help employers determine employment eligibility or work authorization of new hires and the validity of their Social Security numbers.Employers or “Designated Agents” (e.g., payroll companies) must register online and agree to the terms of participation to use E-Verify. [Registration includes agreeing to the DHS/Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Memorandum of Understanding (MOU). A discussion of the ICE E-Verify MOU is outside the scope of this post.]E-Verify will soon be required of all federal contractors. DHS is now promulgating “final” E-Verify regs. I present an E-Verify overview and update in this post.

 

THE RAPE LAWS IN INDIA, revisiting the concepts  .

 

Is ‘Rape’ merely a word described in section 375 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860, to be interpreted stricto senso? Or is it a psychological phenomenon to be understood and dealt with, with more empathy and less legality? What is the scope of this word and its narrow definition according to law and what is the impact of this definition on the judgments meted out to the hapless victims of this excruciating mental agony? This project aims to study the lacunas in the present definition and scope of the phenomenon called Rape.The word ‘Rape’ is derived from the Latin term ‘Rapio’, which means ‘to seize’. Thus, rape literally means a forcible seizure and that is the essential characteristic feature of the offence. In common parlance, it means intercourse without her consent by force, fear or fraud. In other words, rape is violation with violence of the private person of a woman.

Though the law is said to grant justice to the innocent, the same is sadly not true in case of rape victims. Justice prides herself on being blind to everything but the truth – yet as far as rape is concerned, the facts paint a different picture. Rape laws in India are extremely antiquated. Although the laws outline the crime in clear terms, the courts are filled with people who favor the accused and challenge the veracity of the victim’s allegation.

The Supreme Court has opined in Maharashtra v Madhukar Narayan Mardikar , that “..even a woman with easy virtue is entitled to privacy and no one can invade her privacy as and when he likes. So also, it is not open to any and every person to violate her person as and when he wishes. Therefore, merely because she is a woman of easy virtue, her evidence cannot be thrown overboard.”

Rape laws in India are antiquated; Instances where justice has failed the victim because of interpretation of law, assessment of evidence, long delays at the trial and harsh and humiliating cross-examination of the victim are reported with alarming frequency. This report deal with the incumbencies in the existing laws relating to rape in India and certain recent developments in this field.

Rape is a weapon that distorts a woman’s sexuality, restricts her freedom of movement and violates her human rights. It leaves a woman feeling exposed, humiliated and traumatised. A rapist not only violates the victim’s privacy and personal integrity, but also causes serious physical and psychological damage. The law must take a fresh look at itself and take positive steps to make it more difficult for an accused to get judicial reprieve. . What is sad about rape in India is the lack of seriousness with which the crime is often treated.Statistics from 2000 showed that on average a woman is raped every hour in India

As observed by Justice Arjit Pasayat:”While a murderer destroys the physical frame of the victim, a rapist degrades and defiles the soul of a helpless female.”Sexual harassment is nothing less than the showcasing of male dominance. Given an opportunity, such men (those committing sexual harassement) would try fulfilling their desire.

Rape

Rape means an unlawful intercourse done by a man with a woman without her valid consent. (Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code)A man is said to commit “rape” if he has sexual intercourse with a woman under circumstances falling under any of the six following descriptions :-

Against her will.

Without her consent.

With her consent, when her consent has been obtained by putting her or any person in whom she is interested in fear of death or of hurt.

With her consent, when the man knows that he is not her husband, and that her consent is given because she believes that he is another man to whom she is or believes herself to be lawfully married.

With her consent, when, at the time of giving such consent, by reason of unsoundness of mind or intoxication or the administration by him personally or through another of any stupefying or unwholesome substance, she is unable to understand the nature and consequences of that to which she gives consent.

With or without her consent, when she is under sixteen years of age.

Explanation : Penetration is sufficient to constitute the sexual intercourse necessary to the offence of rape.Exception : Sexual intercourse by a man with his own wife, the wife not being under fifteen years of age, is not rape.

Impediments to Justice:Rape is defined in India as intentional, unlawful sexual intercourse with a woman without her consent. The essential elements of this definition under Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code are ‘sexual intercourse with a woman’ and the absence of consent. This definition therefore does not include acts of forced oral sex, or sodomy, or penetration by foreign objects; instead those actions are criminalized under Section 354 of the IPC, which deals with ‘criminal assault on a woman with intent to outrage her modesty’ and Section 377 IPC, covering ‘carnal intercourse against the order of nature’.

The definition leaves a few questions unanswered. For instance, what about sexual intercourse by a man with his wife, and without her consent, where the wife is over 16 years of age? Judicial interpretation has also meant that sexual intercourse in a custodial situation (police station, public hospital, remand homes, and jails) is deemed an offence, without going into the question of consent. Also, anal or oral penetration and penetration with objects do not fall within the ambit of section 375.

It also does not recognize other forms of sexual assaults, like protracted sexual assault by relatives, marital rape etc. as aggravated forms of rape. This causes grave injustice to many victims. In many cases of child rape, the child has been penetrated through fingers or by objects or been force to perform oral or anal sex; yet this is not considered rape by the Courts.

Also, if the victim is a minor, the onus is on the accused to prove his innocence. But if the victim is a major, it is up to her to prove her charge. Therefore, the defence finds it worthwhile to prove that the victim is a major. Another problem is that unless the woman is examined medically within 24 hours, it becomes difficult forensically to prove that rape has occurred. Very often, unable to prove penetration, judges find themselves trying “rape” cases under more watered down sections: ‘outraging the modesty of a woman’, for instance, carrying much lighter punishment.

 Adding to this is Section. 155(4) of the Evidence Act (Repealed), which allows the victim to be questioned of her past sexual history which the defense uses to humiliate the victim in the Courtroom. At the same time, section 54 stated: “In criminal proceedings (including rape) the fact that the accused person has a bad character is irrelevant, unless evidence has been given (by him) that he has a good character, in which case it becomes relevant.”

Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) only considers forced peno-vaginal penetration to be rape. Penetration with any other object, be it life-threatening (a knife, an iron rod, etc), though more physically harmful is not rape. The penis is accorded a privileged position in comparison with other objects that can be inserted, because of the primacy put on the virginity of women. The rupture of a woman’s hymen — the ultimate symbol of her sexual purity — must be avoided at all costs. “Sexual intercourse by a man with his own wife, the wife not being under 15 years of age, is not rape,” according to this section. In other words, forced sex within marriage is outside the scope of the offence of rape.

 The manner in which some courts have interpreted the law or assessed the evidence has often proved to be an obstacle also. In spite of Supreme Court judgments to the contrary, lower court judges often insist on evidence of physical resistance or marks of injuries to hold that a woman has not consented. A woman’s evidence without corroboration is not considered sufficient.

Therefore rape laws in order to be of great deterrence, must have a cooperative victim, professional investigation, diligent prosecution; and an expeditious trial. For otherwise it shall not be the law, that fails, but the applicants, the process and application

 

 

Earlier Developments

 Several difficulties with the rape law were highlighted through some insensitive treatment by the judiciary

·        The Mathura rape case is illustrative.( TukaRam v. State of Maharashtra, AIR 1979 SC 185In March 1972, a 16-year-old tribal girl was raped by two policemen in the compound of Desai Ganj police chowky in Chandrapur district of Maharashtra. Her relatives, who had come to register a complaint, were patiently waiting outside even as this heinous act was being perpetrated in the police station. When her relatives and the crowd threatened to burn the police chowky down, the two guilty policemen, Ganpat and Tukaram, reluctantly agreed to file a panchnama. At the Sessions Court, Mathura was accused of being a “liar” and that since she was “habituated to sexual intercourse”, her consent was given. The Nagpur bench of the Bombay High Court set aside the judgment holding that that passive submission due to fear induced by serious threats could not be construed as willing sexual intercourse. However, the decision of the Supreme Court remains a blot on its record to this day. The rationale for acquittal was that Mathura had not raised an alarm and there were no visible marks of injury on her body. The judgment did not distinguish between consent and forcible submission

 

The Mathura rape case galvanised the women’s movement into asking for reforms of the criminal law that dealt with rape. In 1983, the government passed the Criminal Law Amendment Act. It amended Section 376 IPC and enhances the punishment of rape it also provides enhanced punishment of minimum of 10 years of imprisonment for police officers or staff of jail, the remand homes or other places of custody established by law. The Act further inserts a new Section 114-A IEA, by raising a presumption as to absence of consent in cases of custodial rape, rape on pregnant women and gang rape at least partially, removed the infirmity from the evidence of a victim of rape that was hitherto unjustly attached to her testimony without taking note of the fact that in India, unlike the occident a disclosure of the girls identity, rehabilitation in society for all times to come and unless her story was painfully true she would not have taken such a grave risk merely to malign the accused.The Act also provides for trial in camera. It also inserts a new section in the IPC Sec 228(A), which makes disclosure of the identity of the victims in These amendments were not enough to stem the rise in the number of cases of sexual violence against women. One crucial defect in the law was the definition of rape under Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which took into account only penile-vaginal penetration. Other physical and mental injuries were left to be dealt with under Sections 354 and 509 of the IPC as `outraging the modesty of a woman’.

 

 

Although the amendment had only partly accepted the demands of the campaign, the enactment was an indication of some measure of success. However, the inadequacy of these measures became clear in the Suman Rani case.[In spite of the rigorous punishment brought in through the amendment in cases of custodial rape, the Supreme Court reduced the sentence to five years on grounds that the woman was of ‘questionable character’ and ‘easy virtue’ with ‘lewd’ and ‘lascivious behaviour’. The court also dismissed a review petition filed by women’s groups. The Suman Rani case was no exception; the judiciary was routinely awarding less than the minimum sentence in rape trials despite the statutory mandate laid down by the amendment. In Mohd.Habib v. State, the Delhi High Court allowed a rapist to go scot-free merely because there were no marks of injury on his penis, which the High Court presumed was indicative of consent.

·        In Mohd.Habib Vs State, the Delhi High Court allowed a rapist to go scot-free merely because there were no marks of injury on his penis- which the High Court presumed was a indication of no resistance. The most important facts such as the age of the victim (being seven years) and that she had suffered a ruptured hymen and the bite marks on her body were not considered by the High Court. Even the eye- witnesses who witnessed this ghastly act, could not sway the High Court’s judgment.   

·        In another instance of conscience stirring cases, Sakina- a poor sixteen year old girl from Kerala, who was lured to Ernakulam with the promise of finding her a good job, where she was sold and forced into prostitution. There for eighteen long months she was held captive and raped by clients. Finally she was rescued by the police- acting on a complaint filed by her neighbour.With the help of her parents and an Advocate, Sakina filed a suit in the High Court- giving the names of the upper echelons of the bureaucracy and society of Kerala.The suit was squashed by the High Court, while observing that ‘ it is improbable to believe that a man who desired sex on payment would go to a reluctant woman; and that the version of the victim was not so sacrosanct as to be taken for granted.’

·        Whereas, in State of Punjab Vs. Gurmit Singh, the Supreme Court has advised the lower judiciary, that even if the victim girl is shown to be habituated to sex, the Court should not describe her to be of loose character.

·        The Supreme Court has in the case of State of Maharashtra Vs. Madhukar N. Mardikar, held that "the unchastity of a woman does not make her open to any and every person to violate her person as and when he wishes. She is entitled to protect her person if there is an attempt to violate her person against her wish. She is equally entitled to the protection of law. Therefore merely because she is of easy virtue, her evidence cannot be thrown overboard."

In Chairman, Railway Board Vs. Chandrima Das, a practicing Advocate of the Calcutta High Court filed a petition under Article.226 of the Constitution of India against the various railway authorities of the eastern railway claiming compensation for the victim (Smt. Hanufa Khatoon)- a Bangladesh national- who was raped at the Howrah Station, by the railway security men. The High Court awarded Rs.10 lacs as compensation. 

The Supreme Court also held that the relief can be granted to the victim for two reasons- firstly, on the ground of domestic jurisprudence based on the Constitutional provisions; and secondly, on the ground of Human Rights Jurisprudence based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 which has international recognition as the ‘Moral Code of Conduct’- adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nation. 

 In view of the above, the Supreme Court has laid down the following guidelines for the trial of rape cases:

1.The complaints of sexual assault cases should be provided with legal representation. Such a person should be well acquainted.

2. Legal assistance should be provided at the police Station, since the victim may be in a distressed state.

3. The police should be under a duty to inform the  victim of her right to a counsel before being interrogated.

4. A list of lawyers willing to act in these cases should be kept at the police station.

5. Advocates shall be appointed by the Court on an  application by the police at the earliest, but in order that the victim is not questioned without one, the Advocate shall be authorized to act at the police Station before leave of the Court is sought or obtained.

6. In all rape trials, anonymity of the victim must be maintained

7. It is necessary to setup Criminal Injuries Compensation Board with regard to the Directive Principles contained under Article. 38(1) of the Constitution of India. As some victims also incur Substantial losses.

8. Compensation for the victims shall be awarded by the Court on the conviction of the offender and by the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board- whether or not a conviction has taken place. The Board will take into account pain, suffering, shock as well as loss of earnings due to pregnancy and child birth if this accrued as a result of rape.

Recent Developments

In 1997, Sakshi, an organisation involved in issues on women and children, approached the Supreme Court through a writ petition asking for directions concerning the definition of rape in the IPC. Although the Supreme Court did not interpret the provisions of Section 375 IPC to include all forms of penetration such as penile/vaginal penetration, penile/oral penetration, penile/anal penetration, finger/vagina penetration, finger/anal penetration, and object/vaginal penetration within its ambit. Instead, the judges sought refuge behind the strict interpretation of penal statutes and the doctrine of state decisis - a view that any alteration [in this case, of the definition of rape] would result in chaos and confusion, it directed the Law Commission of India to respond to the issues raised in the petition. The Law Commission, under the chairmanship of Justice P. Jeevan Reddy, responded by saying that the 156th Law Commission Report had dealt with these issues. The Supreme Court, however, agreed with Sakshi that the 156th Report did not deal with the precise issues raised in the writ petition. In August 1999, it directed the Law Commission to look into these issues afresh. (Sakshi v. Union of India)

After detailed consultations with the organisations, the Law Commission released its 172nd Report on the Review of Rape Laws, in 2000. The Law Commission recommended changing the focus from rape to `sexual assault’, the definition of which goes beyond penile penetration to include penetration by any part of the body and objects, taking into account cunnilingus and fellatio.

The report recommended the deletion of Section 155(4) of the Indian Evidence Act, which would prevent a victim of rape from being cross-examined about her `general immoral character’ and sexual history. It suggested graded sentences, with higher punishment for rape committed by the relatives and persons in `trust or authority’, public servants, and superintendents, management and staff of hospitals. It introduced a new Section 376(E), which would include sexual harassment at the workplace.

The commission recommended shifting the burden of proof of consent to the accused. It suggested specific provisions that would deal with the medical examination of the victim as well as the accused by a registered medical practitioner. It said that girls who are victims of rape should be questioned only by a female police officer, in the absence of whom a qualified woman from a recognised social organisation should do the questioning. The commission suggested that the law relating to sexual assault be made gender neutral, that is, men and women can be charged with the rape of men, women and children. This meant that for the first time the sexual assault of minor boys was made prosecutable under the law. It asked for Section 377 of the IPC to be dropped, thus decriminalising sodomy.

However, the recommendations did not take into account marital rape. It raised the age of consent of the wife from 15 to 16 years, after which the woman is not protected from rape by the husband. It also continues to provide a window for Judges to reduce the sentence in case of convictions below the minimum sentence specified, as suggested by the commission which states: “Any number of situations may arise, which the Commission cannot foresee th Based on the Law Commission’s recommendations, the government enacted an amendment in the winter session of Parliament in 2002, which deleted Section 155(4) and inserted a proviso to Section 146 of the Indian Evidence Act, which means that a victim of rape can no longer be questioned about her past sexual conduct and her `general immoral character’..

 

Criminal Law Amendment Bill of 2005

The Bill, drafted by Ms Kirti Singh advocate and legal convener of AIDWA, is based on 172nd report of the Law Commission to amend the laws relating to sexual assault in Section 375, 376, 354 and 509 IPC and the relevant sections of the Code of Criminal Procedure 1973 and the Indian Evidence Act 1872. The recommendations are based on the national consultation on the issue organized by the national commission for women

·        The major changes sought to be brought about through this amendment are substitution of existing section 375 of the IPC with the following:

“375.Sexual Assault: Sexual assault means –(a) The introduction (to any extent) by a man of his penis, into the vagina (which term shall include the labia majora), the anus or urethra or mouth of any woman or child–(b) the introduction to any extent by a man of an object or a part of the body (other than the penis) into the vagina(which term shall include the labia majora) or anus or urethra of a woman(c) the introduction to any extent by a person of an object or a part of the body (other than the penis) into the vagina(which term shall include the labia majora) or anus or urethra of a child.(d) manipulating any part of the body of a child so as to cause penetration of the vagina (which term shall include labia majora) anus or the urethra of the offender by any part of the child’s body;”

Similarly, Amendment, 2005 brought forth many changes in rape laws, especially related to detailed procedure of examination of victim and accused both by inserting new sections: 164-A, 174 (1A), (b), and 53-A (a) CrPC, and made it clear that in addition to physical examination, it also shall include the examination of blood, blood stains, semen, swabs in case of sexual offences, sputum and sweat, hair samples and finger nail clippings by the use of modern and scientific techniques including DNA profiling and such other tests which the RMP thinks necessary in a particular case. Section 174 (1A), (b), CrPC inserted to make mandatory inquiry by the Judicial Magistrate in cases of custodial rape and murder cases.

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The Law of Attraction is merely doing its work to deliver what you’re thinking. You think of debts? The Law of Attraction is very easy and fun to learn because you are deliberately gaining what you really desire. The law is in force in our lives right this moment and whether we’re aware or not, we are actually attracting jobs, people and positive situations into our lives.The Law of Attraction is bullshit and I wasted my personal time to actually watch it (was I attracting bullshit at that time? In example, if we come up with the case that the law did not work, the blame goes on US! The Law of Attraction is not some magic art form, nor is it some ‘method’ by which you can improve yourself with pumps and drugs; it is simply about harnessing what is already available to you. The law is based around the laws of the Universe which state we were born with the in-built knowledge that we create our own reality ? 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State and Federal Labor Law Posters are Required for Small Businesses and Other Employers.

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Notice migrant and seasonal agricultural worker protection act labor law poster; Employment Standards Administration, Wage and Hour Division oversee this labor law poster. Agricultural employers, agricultural associations and farm labor contractors must display this labor law posters.

SOURCES OF HINDU LAW

    India is a huge country not only in terms of its geography but also its population, which has various religions, customs and practices. However, India has two main personal laws i.e. Hindu law and Muslim Law. Before moving ahead, I would like to define the Law – ‘Law is a large body of rules and regulations based mainly on general principles of justice.’

      Hindu Law is a personal Law (Law of Marriage, Divorce, Adoption, inheritance etc) evolved through long period of time from many sources (mentioned below) by Hindu religious community of India. Therefore, I love to call it ‘Sedimentary Law’ because Laws from various sources Sedimented and consolidated into Hindu Law. The important sources of Hindu Law are:

     1)  Ancient Source

     2)  Modern Source

          Ancient source is the main source of Hindu Law, which further subdivided into viz –

a) Sruti: the literal meaning is – ‘what was heard’, and it is originated from Vedas i.e. Rig, Yajur, Sama, and Atharva Vedas. Basically, it is praise in the forms of hymns of the earliest Hindu tradition which deals – types of marriage, adoption, partition etc.

b) Smriti: literally means – ‘what is remembered.’ It is also known as ‘Dharma Sutras’ and available in the prose from. The important Smritis are ‘Manu Smriti, Yagnavalkya Smriti, Narada Smriti etc and, it deals the civil and criminal law, procedural law, marriage Law etc.

c) Commentaries: the discrepancy between above two gives rise a third one i.e. ‘Commentaries, which later on beget two schools i.e. Mitakshara (Vijyaneshwara school) and Dayabhaga (Jimuthvahana school) associated with particular areas.

d) Customs: it is a set of rules and norms, practice by particular society for a long period of time. However, ‘customs arise whenever a few human beings come together as no association of human beings can exit permanently without adopting consciously or unconsciously, some definite rules governing reciprocal rights and obligations’ (Vinogradoff, Collected Papers). “Indeed custom is coeval with the very birth of the community itself.” (Jurisprudences).

      Modern Source refers to the rules and regulations established through legislation by educated and intellectual people. These laws almost codified laws such as –

a) Hindu Marriage Act (1955),

b) Hindu Succession Act (1956),

c) Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act (1956) and

d) Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act (1956)

After independence (15 August 1947), India constituted its own Constitution, where India defines itself as a secular country, like this given space to flourish all religions with its own customs and laws. Therefore, the Indian Legal System is a Common Law-cum-Civil Law. Apparently, Hindu Law is a personal law and applicable to person and family relations only.

You may have been hearing more and more recently about the so called “Law of Attraction”. If not you may have heard of Jerry and Esther Hicks and Abraham, popularised on the Oprah Show. What got my attention was that what was being said actually had a lot in common with some of my latest readings on quantum physics. These readings suggested that at a quantum level the very act of observering an event changes the event. So we are actually having a vibrational effect on our environment simply by observing it. For those of you not familiar with the Law of Attraction that Hicks and Abraham have popularised I will provide a VERY simply description.What is the Law of Attraction The idea is that there is a Law of Attraction, a fundamental Law of the Universe which amongst other things makes like attract like. We interact with this law and create things that weay or may not want in our lives simply by thinking or focusing on them in a particular way. This is sometimes referred to as manifesting or using the law of attraction or creating your reality.The Law of Attraction, Money and Happiness Of course for many people the first thing that they want to use the Law of Attraction for is money and happiness. When it comes to the Law of Attraction, money and happiness understandable are on top of the adgenda. To really understand how the Law of Attraction and money interact it’s most important to understand that the law of attraction is just that. A law, it doesn’t change, it is very consistant. However we change and our intreptation of what is happening to us changes also. This can lead to a cycle were poor thinking, begets poor experience, which in turn leads back to poor thinking. This reminds one of the phrase “the poor get poorer whilst the rich get richer”.Immediate Use Law of Attraction Money Tips The first immediate use law of attraction money tip is therefore to simply to focus on gratitude for what is good financially now. This will eventually lead to a thought that makes your feel a little better, follow that thought until you find another that makes you feel a little better still and so on. This will improve your vibrational state regarding whatever is happening financially. The second is to stop often during the day and consciously try to think a thought that makes you feel a little better than you do currently. Sounds simple hey?Daily Use Law of Attraction Money Tips Setting aside time everyday for your Creative Workshop or Creative Period. A time (15-30mins) where you visualise the outcomes that you want to manifest in your everyday experience, focusing on feeling like those desired outcomes have already been achieved.Long Term Use Law of Attraction, Money Tips When planning over the longer term break down large financial tasks into smaller ones that will form the “next logical steps”, one after another, from where you are now. Spend “creative” time everyday focused on the feeling of having made it or having achieved the larger task. Spend more time everyday though focusing on the feeling of having just achieved that which is your next logical step forward from where you are now. In this way you are smoothing the pebbles from the road and ensuring logs don’t fall up ahead.Conclusion As we have said, it is a law. The law of attraction; money, fame and fortune come to those who harness this law. We hope that the information above has helped refocus you on using the law of attraction in your life. Lastly we found a site that may be of interest to those who really want to immerse themselves in learning about the Law of Attraction. This is a site were three teachers featured on the movie “The Secret” will teach you The Science of Getting Rich. It seems a great way to learn about The Law of Attraction and Money

The Canadian government has passed a new citizenship law that resolves a variety of issues about Canadian citizenship (Bill C-37). Buried in that law is a provision that has passed unnoticed, until now, which puts limitations on the Canadian citizenship rights of some internationally adopted children. Recent articles in the National Post, the Globe & Mail and the Ottawa Citizen have brought these provisions to the attention of the adoption community.

Although this new law came into effect on April 17, 2009, I hope it is not too late for adopting parents to express their views. Also read Complex Citizenship Laws Anger Adopting Parents). The provisions of the new law are complex, so I have set out a series of questions and answers at the end of this article, which I hope will clarify the finer points of the new rules.

A good way to begin understanding the issues is to read the newspaper articles “Critics Fear Two-Tier Citizenship” and “Citizenship Changes Could Create Inferior Citizens”. For the perspective of Robin Hilborn of Family Helper, see “Canadian law denies citizenship to children of foreign adoptees” http://www.familyhelper.net/news/090129citizenship.html

Essentially the legislation provides that the children of some internationally adopted children will not have a right to Canadian citizenship. In practice, this is likely to affect only a small proportion of all adopted children. What upsets adopting parents, however, is the notion that their children will have a lesser class of citizenship. In effect, the children are being discriminated against. Adopting parents do not want to feel that their children are second-class citizens.

Adopting parents in Canada are losing their tolerance for being discriminated against. Resentment at the inherent discrimination against adopting families built into the EI legislation has been simmering for the past decade (for a detailed description of the discrimination which adopting parents feel about this subject, see our earlier Spotlight, “Adoption in the Workplace”). Now a new law that discriminates against their children is going to have a galvanizing effect on the adoption community.

The Annual Report to Parliament on Immigration, 2008, begins with the following words:

“The Citizenship Act, under which CIC grants citizenship to eligible newcomers, affirms that all Canadians have the same rights, privileges and responsibilities whether they are citizens by birth or naturalization.”

That changed April 17, 2009. In an attempt to solve the problem of Canadian citizenship being handed down generationally to people who don’t actually live in Canada, the government has reduced the citizenship rights of some internationally adopted children, and effectively created a lesser class of citizenship for them. Was this really necessary? It feels like a sledgehammer was used to kill a flea. Could not a more elegant solution have been found to actually deal with the perceived problem?

The Report of the Senate Standing Committee, which reviewed Bill C-37, states:

“Such a distinction would grant citizenship to a first generation born outside Canada while denying it to their children and subsequent generations were they to be born abroad. Such a provision strikes your Committee as arbitrary and unfair.”

The Committee also added: “Rather, the Committee urges the government to ensure that all aspects of new citizenship legislation are Charter-compliant and consistent with Canadian values”.

As a result of concerns by the Immigration Department about the confusion surrounding the new law, it recently issued a clarification.

In a published response to the concerns of adopting parents, the Minister states:

“Critics have entirely missed the point of how changes to our citizenship law, which come into effect on April 17, 2009, will protect the value of citizenship.”

I don’t think that is true. Adopting parents probably do understand the concerns that the government has about protecting the integrity of Canadian citizenship. It is the specific solution, which the government has come up with that they are protesting.

It is an insult to adopting parents to say that their children now have a lesser class of Canadian citizenship. The government needs to rethink these provisions and find a solution that does not put limitations on the rights of citizenship for internationally adopted children. The government should find a solution which fits the actual problem. This article is a call to action for adopting parents. Adopting parents who wish to make their views known to the government should do so immediately. Prior to doing so, however, please read the questions and answers set out below. The law is quite technical and there is already confusion about who the law would apply to. This is not helped by the government’s own website, which is not clear. If, after reading the article and the new rules, additional questions arise that should be asked in the list below, please send them to me and I will add them to the article.

For the purposes of this article, I will use the terms Class A citizenship to refer to full-rights citizenship and Class B to refer to the new, lesser-rights citizenship.

Q1. Who does the new law apply to?A. The new law applies to adopted children who receive their citizenship abroad, pursuant to the new direct citizenship provisions enacted in Canada on December 23, 2007. [See also Q10 below]

Q2.Who is not subject to the new rules?A. The new rules do not apply to the following:

(a) adopted children born in Canada;

(b) Internationally adopted children who come to Canada on a permanent resident visa and subsequently obtained Canadian citizenship after their arrival in Canada. Up until now this has been the situation of most (but not all) children adopted overseas and brought to Canada. They will not be affected by the new rule, despite what it says on the Canada Immigration website. The web posting “New Citizenship Rules” states:”This limitation will also apply to foreign-born individuals adopted by a Canadian parent. The adopted children of Canadian citizens will be considered to be the first generation born abroad. This means that:If a person born outside Canada and adopted by a Canadian parent has a child outside Canada, that child will not be a citizen by birth;……..”

This information is misleading. In a clarifying email from the Ministry of Citizenship & Immigration (which doesn’t seem to be posted anywhere at the moment), an official makes it clear that the restriction on obtaining Canadian citizenship only applies to situations described in the above quote and where the parent of the child born outside of Canada originally was granted Canadian citizenship overseas pursuant to the new 2007 direct to citizenship route. This misstatement on the government website has caused some parents to believe that the new law will apply to their children, when in fact it will not.

(c) The new law will not apply to children who would normally fall into the Class B citizenship definition, but whose parent is working overseas with the Canadian government (Federal or Provincial) or serving overseas in the armed forces. Instead, these children will have Class A citizenship. However, children whose parents are working for Canadian corporations, the United Nations, who are on vacation, or who are otherwise travelling outside of Canada do not get this exemption and will have Class B citizenship. This is a distinction which is hard to justify. If you work for one kind of employer your children are Class A citizens, and if you work for a different kind of employer your children are Class B citizens. Surely there is a better way to sort this out.

Q3. What is the most serious consequence of this new law?A The most serious consequence that is evident at this time is that a child born overseas to an adopted person has a reasonable chance of being a “stateless individual” (this would be the adopting parents’ grandchild). This leads to a number of questions:

(a) Why would this happen? – Only some countries grant citizenship to a child born in their country (Canada and the USA being examples of countries that do that). Many countries rely on the citizenship of the child’s parents or some other criteria. The child would be born stateless if they did not derive a citizenship through either parent and they are also born in a country where birth on soil does not give access to citizenship. As a stateless person, the child would have no obvious way to come to Canada.

(b) Is there a remedy? – A child of a Canadian who was born stateless abroad would have the option of applying for a grant of citizenship on the basis of statelessness. The amended Citizenship Act has provisions for granting citizenship to stateless children of Canadian citizens, but the child must first live in Canada for three years. This stateless child would have neither a passport nor a right to enter Canada, so it is not even clear how the child could travel to Canada to establish residence. One can only hope that there will be a benevolent immigration officer overseas who has empathy for the predicament that the Class B Canadian citizen finds himself in, and will grant the stateless child some sort of visa to come to Canada. This event will be 20, 30 or 40 years into the future. It is hard to predict what the world will look like then in terms of population and pressures on the Canadian immigration system. What will immigration officers say to a Class B Canadian citizen in 30 years who wants to bring their stateless child back to Canada? Adopting parents today will be the grandparents of that child. We can all hope it’s a sympathetic response.

(c) Any born-abroad Canadian adopting parents could immediately face the problem outlined in (b) above. Again, this is because the provisions of the new law apply to children born outside of Canada as well as to those adopted.

Q4. What happens if my adopted child has Class B Canadian citizenship and gives birth to a child overseas?A That child, your grandchild, will not acquire Canadian citizenship. He or she may be eligible to be sponsored as a permanent resident, and then apply for citizenship as soon as he or she becomes a permanent resident.

Q5. How does it work for subsequent generations? Do they have Class A or Class B Canadian citizenship?A Generational Chart Showing Whether Descendants have Class A or B Canadian Citizenship Rights:

Parents Child

FirstGeneration (Adopting Parents)

N/A

SecondGeneration(your adopted child)

If this child receives Canadian Citizenship overseas under the 2007 law, he/she will have Class B Canadian Citizenship

ThirdGeneration(your grandchild)

If the child of the adopted child above is born outside of Canada, he/she will not be entitled to automatic Canadian Citizenship. The child may apply to enter Canada on a Permanent Resident Visa. If he/she subsequently obtains Canadian Citizenship, then it will be a Class A Citizenship.

Fourth Generation(your great-grandchild)

The child of this Class A citizen parent, if born inside Canada, (the Adoptive Parents’ great-grandchild) will have Class A Citizenship.

Q6. Can I do anything to avoid this new law if I am going to adopt a child in the future?A Yes you can. Do not use the new direct citizenship route for children adopted overseas. Only use the old route of applying for a permanent resident visa for the child, and after the child is landed in Canada apply for Canadian citizenship. This child will have a Class A Canadian citizenship.

Adopting parents report that they are consistently advised by Canada Immigration officials to use the new direct citizenship route. Anyone considering which route to follow should read our previous Spotlight – Citizenship for Adopted Children: Canada’s New Law for 2008. In addition, adopting parents should obviously think about whether they wish their children to have Class B Canadian citizenship, and what effect that might have on their grandchildren.

Q7. Does the new law contravene the Charter of Rights?A I don’t know. The government has not invoked the “Notwithstanding Clause” under the Constitution of Canada, so the Charter does apply to this legislation. In the 1998 McKenna case, the Canadian Human Rights Code was used to say that it was discriminatory to adopted children not to be able to obtain citizenship overseas. It was this case that 10 years later finally led to the new citizenship law of 2007 permitting just that. On the other hand, adopting parents were not successful in invoking the Charter of Rights to overturn the inherent discrimination in the EI legislation in the 1997 Schafer case. It does seem likely that eventually someone will challenge this notion of Class B citizenship for adopted children under the Charter of Rights. A Charter challenge could also come based on discrimination against persons born abroad to Canadian citizen parents.

Q8. Are the new rules retroactive?A Section 3 (4) of the Citizenship Act states:

“Subsection (3) does not apply to a person who, on the coming into force of that subsection, is a citizen.”

What does this clause mean? It means that if you are a citizen on the day the new law comes into force, then you will not lose your citizenship. Unfortunately, the Immigration Department is interpreting this to mean that a person will not lose their Canadian citizenship, but the new provisions will change the quality of your citizenship.

So, for the adoption world, the law will be retroactive and will have the following three results:

(a) Children who have been adopted and obtained their Canadian citizenship overseas since December 23, 2007 will have their Canadian citizenship downgraded from Class A to Class B on April 17, 2009. This will come as an unhappy surprise to Canadian adopting parents, who have pursued the direct citizenship route as a result of non-stop directions from Canada Immigration officials to adopting parents to take the new route; and

(b) Adopting Parents who were born to Canadian parents overseas and acquired Canadian citizenship as a result. Any adopting parents in this category will have their citizenship changed from Class A to Class B on April 17, 2009. As a result, when they adopt overseas, their children are not entitled to direct Canadian citizenship. Their only route will be to sponsor the child as a landed immigrant, obtain a permanent resident visa, and subsequently apply for Canadian citizenship.

(c) Adopting Parents who were adopted overseas themselves as a child, and then became Canadian citizens through the Permanent Resident Visa process. The new law will NOT affect these adopting parents as they have Class A citizenship. Their adopted children will be eligible for direct citizenship (albeit Class B). If these adopting parents use the Permanent Resident Visa process, however, their adopted child will have Class A Canadian citizenship.

A CIC official has verbally confirmed that these provisions are retroactive. We have requested that the government confirm to us, in writing, that the law is retroactive. We will update this section when we receive the government’s written answer.

Q9. Does this new law only apply to adopted children?A No, in addition to adopted children, the new rules apply to children born outside of Canada, unless their parent(s) fit within a specific definition. In addition, Bill C-37 (the new law) also deals with many other citizenship issues unrelated to adoption.

Q10. If I am adopting parent who was born abroad to Canadian parents, can I adopt overseas?A You can adopt, but if you are single you will not be able to use the direct citizenship route. Your child will have to be admitted to Canada with a PR Visa. The reason for this is that the new law applies to children of Canadians born to Canadians overseas, as well as to those adopted overseas. However, if you are married to a Class A Canadian citizen, then you will be able to use the direct citizenship route.

Q11. Is there any “patch” that the government could use to repair this law?A The application of the new law should be suspended until the adoption community has a real chance to have input, and perhaps a better solution is found. One suggestion being proposed would provide an exception to the new law if the adopted child lived in Canada for a certain unspecified period of time. In other words, the child would start with Class B Canadian citizenship, and if the child eventually qualified by living in Canada for a certain period of time, they would graduate to Class A Canadian citizenship. Whether this would be a satisfactory solution for Canadian adopting parents remains to be seen.Note: These concerns are not limited to children adopted abroad, but also apply to children born abroad. The implications of this law are likely to be seen more immediately for born-abroad Class B citizens than adopted-abroad Class B citizens.

Q12. Why was the adoption community in Canada not consulted before this law was brought into force?A The adoption community in Canada was unaware of these new rules until articles appeared in the press in mid-January, 2009. How did this happen? – Bill C-37 received royal assent on April 17, 2008. It came into force on the first anniversary of that date, April 17, 2009. For over a year preceding the passing of the new law, the government consulted with various interest groups who could be affected by changes to the Citizenship Act. It does not appear to have been made clear, however, that a Class B citizenship would be created for children adopted overseas. On December 13, 2008, the regulations under this new Act were published in the Canada Gazette, and provided for a 30-day comment period. Unfortunately, this comment period extended over the Christmas and New Year’s vacation and expired in early January. Buried in the comment attached to the Canada Gazette was the statement , “The aforementioned limitation will also apply to foreign-born persons adopted by a Canadian parent”. It was only when these proposed regulations were published that one person noticed this and has been raising an alarm for the past few weeks.

Surely, if the Government of Canada was going to do something as dramatic as create Class B citizenship rules for adopted children in this country, it is incumbent on them to really bring this to the attention of adopting parents, the Adoptive Families Association, the Provincial Adoption Bureaus, Adoption Agencies across Canada, and the Adoption Council of Canada. It is incredibly dismissive of the adoption community to have been treated in this manner by the government.

Q13. What can I do to stop this new law?A Perhaps nothing. The new law (Bill C-37) has been passed, given Royal assent, and the regulations under it are in force. Some parents are currently considering filing a complaint with the Canadian Human Rights Commission. And, of course, someone with deep pockets could take a Charter of Rights challenge to try to have the law declared unconstitutional. On the other hand, perhaps adopting parents in Canada can speak out with one voice and object to what has happened. Adopting parents in Canada represent a potent political force. To date, this has been largely untapped. It is time that the Canadian adoption community make its influence felt. There is no reason why we cannot have an Adoption Caucus of MPs and Senators who listen to what’s important to the adoption community in Canada. The natural focus of these efforts could be the Adoption Council of Canada, which can harness some of the tremendous energy and opinions of adopting parents in this country. Hopefully, this issue of Class B Canadian citizenship for some internationally adopted children will provide a focus for adopting parents to work together.

In the meantime, parents who wish to comment on what has happened should contact their Member of Parliament and the Adoption Council of Canada.

1. The Law of Perpetual Transmutation:

The best definition of Natural Law seems to be that, “it is the uniform and orderly method of the omnipotent God. Unlike any other form of animal life that has been created, we were given the power of choice or free will; along with this power came certain responsibilities. The capacity to choose does not involve freedom from the consequence of our choice. The laws or rules which govern every individual, and which we cover to some degree in this book, are as exact as the laws which govern the material universe. You can act in accordance with these laws or you can disregard them, but you cannot in any way alter them. The law forever operates and holds you to strict accountability, and there is not the slightest allowance made for ignorance. The law of attraction will deliver to you what you do not want as quickly and as certainly as it will deliver what you do want.

2. The Law of Relativity:

In the study of this law, we find that all things are relative. All laws are related to each other and correspond with each other. The laws of the little are the laws of the great. There is no big nor small, fast nor slow, except by comparison. Every law that is a law must be relative to all other laws. In other words, they must be in harmony, agreement and correspond with each other. An understanding of this law will give one the means of solving many of the secrets of nature that seem to be para- doxical. The much discussed fourth dimension is nothing more nor less than the dimension of vibration. Again, all rates of vibration are either high or low, only by comparison with those above or below them.

Whenever the law is properly used, you win. Let’s remember that everyone does something better than you and, likewise, you do something better than every person you meet. When you relate something you do that you are not proficient at, to something another person does that they have mastered, you will not look good. You are using the law against yourself. Begin using this law to heighten your self esteem. You will then become aware of how special you are in the light of truth.

3. The Law of Vibration and Attraction:

Everything in the universe vibrates…nothing rests. We really do live in an ocean of motion. This truly contains the great secret of life. You are always moving toward something and it is always moving toward you… it’s action and attraction. This is where your intuitive factor is used (or should be). You can use it to pick up other people’s vibrations. When you consciously become aware of vibrations, you call them feelings. When you feel bad, you can change your feelings by thinking good thoughts. When you pick up abad feeling from another person…you know they must be thinking disturbing thoughts. You must not let their negative vibrations affect your way of thinking.

Your thoughts are vibrations that you send off into the universe. When you concentrate, the vibrations are stronger. Your thoughts are cosmic waves of energy that penetrate all time and space (vibrations). Thought is the most potent vibration and remember that you can think…that makes you a very special creation (God’s greatest masterpiece). You should always be delighted with yourself. (All creation begins in thought.) Your thought controls the vibration your physical body is in. Disease is a body that is not at ease. Health is a body at ease.

4. The Law of Polarity:

Everything in the universe has its opposite. There would be no inside to a room without an outside. If you referred to this side of the sheet of paper that these words are writen on as the top, then the other side would be the bottom. You have a right and left side to your body, a front and back. Every up has a down and every down has an up. The law of polarity not only states that everything has an opposite…it is equal and opposite. If it was 3 feet from the floor up on to the table, it would be 3 feet from the table down to the floor. If it is 150 miles from Manchester to London, by law it must be 150 miles from London to Manchester; It could not be any other way.

If something you considered bad happens in your life, there has to be something good about it. If it was only a little bad, when you mentally work your way around to the other side, you will find it will only be a little good.

5. The Law of Rhythm:

The law of rhythm embodies the truth that everything is moving to and fro, flowing in and out, swinging backward and forward. There is a high and a low tide. Everything is flowing, both in and out, in accordance with the law. There is always a reaction to every action. Something must advance when anything retreats; Something must rise when anything sinks. This law governs the movement of the planets in their orbits and also manifests in the mineral and vegetable kingdoms. Men and women can observe this law in their mental, physical and emotional states. The law of rhythm is universal. This can be observed in the rising and setting of the sun and moon, ebb and flow of the tides, coming and going of the seasons, and in the rhythmic swing of consciousness and unconsciousness.

You are not going to feel good all the time; No one does. If you did, you wouldn’t even know it. The low feelings are what permit you to enjoy the high feelings.

There will always be highs and lows in life. Reason gives us the ability to choose our thoughts (that is free will). Even when you are on a natural down swing, you can choose good thoughts with your free will and continue to move up toward your goal.

6. The Law of Cause and Effect:

Every cause has its effect; every effect, its cause. There is no such thing as chance. Everything happens according to law. Nothing in the entire universe ever happens, unless it occurs according to law. Nothing ever escapes the law. It is impossible for the human mind to conceive of starting a new chain of causation, for the simple reason that every effect must have a cause; and in turn, that cause must have an effect. Thus, we have the perpetual, never-ending cycle of cause and effect.

Ralph Waldo emerson called the law of cause and effect, the law of laws. You are, of course, very interested in results. Your physical health, your relationships, the respect you earn, your material income. You must concentrate on the cause, and the effect will automatically take care of itself. That is how the law works.

7. The Law of Gender:

The law of gender manifests in all things as masculine and feminine. It is this law that governs what we know as creation. The word creation is often erroneously used, for, in reality, nothing is ever created. All new things merely result from the changing of something that was, into something else that now is. The law of gender manifests in the animal kingdom as sex. It also manifests in the mineral and vegetable kingdoms. Without the dual principle of male and female in all things, there could not be a difference of potential, perpetuation of motion, nor a regeneration. This law is the one which finally closes the cycle and completes the circle of the seven subsidiary laws under one great law.

This is in truth, the creative law. This law decrees everything in nature is both male and female. Both are required for life to exist.

This law also decrees that all seeds (ideas are spiritual seeds) have a gestation or incubation period before they manifest. In other words, when you choose a goal or build the image in your mind, a definate period of time must elapse before that image manifests in physical results.

The international laws in the current aspects as viewed by most of the jurists round the globe are the laws that govern the relations of the nations with each other and the control over the individualism and freedom of these democratic as well as otherwise nations. the international laws are thought to be the governing machineries of the contemporary scenario in which the accountability of the nations for the most inhumane crimes being done by them are brought to the court. in the various books that talk of “taking the state to court” and the “mobilization” standards of the present F1 generations are being expressly interviewed. These scholar works tend to connote that the international laws are the tools that can limit the future dangers of the international insecurity and other problems of colonization etc.  faced by most of the nations of the world. These nations are threatened by the superpowers for being forced to remove their ruling strategy. The United Nations has done several peacekeeping operations and has set various organizations that intend to store the peace and spirit of coordination and cooperation in the world. The theories of the international laws that are found to be dealing with the origin and the gradual development of the international laws have been asked a lot of questions as the race for hegemony is on the peak. Growing problems of racism and international terrorism are the new challenges being faced by the international laws today. This article presents various such aspects and put the suggestions for their solutions under one umbrella. The first question before everyone is this that “what are the international laws and what purpose do they serve for humanity and international peace?” This is the most critical question that corresponds to the enforcement of international and the limits of the international courts of justice being determined. We know that the function of the national laws is to regulate the behavior of the individuals but when we intend to talk of the international laws, the shoes of individuals are wore by the states. What if the international laws are the vanishing point of the world? It is well known to the students of the international laws that the primary function of the international law is to regulate the conduct of the states while on the other hand the national laws intend to regulate the conduct of the individuals. If we examine the contours on which the body of international law is explained we could easily derive the conclusion that most of the allegations that are imposed upon the rule of international laws are concerning their applicability or jurisdiction in one way or the other. Thus the international laws are to be made more binding and the forces that provide sanctioning power to such laws are to be extending to ensure the desired obedience. The identity of the international laws another such aspect that is necessary to limit the province of international laws. The state and non-sate actors are also the key aspects that correspond to the applicability of the international laws. We here mean the kinds of acts performed by the international superpowers and other small newly independent states. In various cases of hegemonic expansion and colonialism, it could be traced that the war-crimes and crimes against humanity are recorded.

02. TAKING THE STATE TO THE COURT

In the contemporary growth of the international law, the growing awareness among the people of the various countries has led to the introduction of the concept of public interest litigation which has increased and widened the opportunities that even the states could be brought under the jurisdiction of the courts. In a study by the German philosopher “Hans Dembowski”, it has been concluded that the growing political unfairness and other political reasoning have led to the introduction of Judicial Activism which has led to the growth of the power and abilities accompanied with the authoritativeness of the judiciary. International laws deal with the sociology of governance and in this respect connote to the division of power between the administrative and judicial branches of the government and their interaction with society as a whole in the particular cases that have been studied. The ongoing, excited media debate about the public interest litigation and judicial activism makes this evident. This function has typical stand point in certain countries of the world. The international arena on which various countries are brought on the same standard in the international court are is seemingly an attempt to ensure fairness and security in the international contour. Let us have a look over the two important aspects that have been the focus of study in the international society.

[A]. State Sovereignty

Sovereignty, for the past several centuries, has been the foundation of interstate relations and the world order. The concept- defined as the independent and unfettered power of a state in its jurisdiction-lies at the heart of the customary international law and the UN charter. It remains both an essential component of the maintenance of international peace and security and a defense for weak states against the strong. At the same time, the concept has never been as inviolable, either in law or in practice, as a formal legal definition might imply. In his 1992 An agenda for peace, UN secretary general Boutros Boutros-Ghali pronounced that the theory of sovereignty never matched the reality. In exploring why the westphalian sovereignty is continuously ignored or violated, Stephen Kraser has noted straightforwardly that “organized hypocrisy is the normal state of affairs. Sovereignty has routinely been violated by the powerful. In today’s globalizing world, it is generally recognized that cultural, economic influences neither respect borders nor require entry visas in both powerful and the powerless countries. The concept of state sovereignty is well envisaged in the legal and the political discourse, but territorial boundaries have come under the stress. Not only technology but also communications have made the boundaries permeable, but the political dimensions of the internal disorder and suffering often can result in wider international disorder. The initial purpose of this discussion is to set out the scope and significance of state sovereignty as a foundation on which to explore the contemporary debates about intervention. The literature on this subject is vast and contentious. As one legal analyst accurately summarizes:

Few subjects in the international law and international relations are as sensitive as the notion of sovereignty. Steinberger refers to it in the Encyclopedia of Public International Law as “the most glittering and controversial notion in the history, doctrine and the practice of the international law.” On the other hand, Henkin seeks to banish it from our vocabulary and others call it ” a word that has emotive quality lacking meaningful specific content”. There is little neutral ground when it comes to sovereignty.

Critical Issues

Instead of the heavy recommendations on the maintenance and enforcement of sovereignty among the states, this constitutional aspect of every nation is subject to limitation in the statements of the United Nations which have dealt heavily upon the matters concerning the world peace and a definite civil order in the international community. These limitations are as described under:-

Firstly, the charter of the United Nations contains collective international obligations for the maintenance of international peace and security. According to Chapter VII, sovereignty is not a barrier to Security Council action in response to ” a threat to peace, a breach of the peace or an act of aggression.”

Secondly, sovereignty may be limited by customary international law and treaties. States are responsible for their international obligations, and therefore sovereignty cannot be an excuse for not performing the duties to which they have agreed sovereignty thus carries with it responsibilities to protect the persons and property, as well as to regulate political and economic affairs. Sovereignty cannot shield internal violations of Human rights that contradict the international obligations. It has been evident in the pages of history that in a no of cases, the Security Council endorsed the use of military force for the protection of the populations in the states which were caught in the throes of war.

[B.] Changes And Continuity In The International System

Limits to the sovereignty are widely accepted-its erosion by economic, cultural and environmental factors, for example, or by customary law and voluntarily agreed treaty obligations. But Annan’s assertion of popular sovereignty was a far more radical challenge. It joined three other threats to traditional notions of state sovereignty that arose in the 1990s and are relevant for our consideration of humanitarian intervention: the right of self-determination, a broadband conception of international peace and security; and the collapse of state authority. In spite of significant change, the international system reflects substantial continuities: in centrality of state decision making and the lack of any changes overriding central authority. But situating the nature of changes and continuities is the task of political analysis and judgment. However, after the end of the cold war, these situations changed to a great extent. Firstly, the soviet union became a superpower in which Russia led the legal status of USSR, including a permanent seat on the Security Council, but 14 other states were created by the implosion of the former soviet union. Shortly, thereafter, Yugoslavia broke up into six independent states, with Serbia and Montenegro later forming the republic of Yugoslavia. Contemporary politics in developing countries is conditioned by the legacy of colonialism. The second challenge is that the broadening interpretation of threats to international peace and security, the charter’s only enshrined license to override the principle of noninterference. The third challenge was to the traditional interpretations of the sovereignty has arisen because of the incapacity of some states to exercise effective authority over their authorities and populations, a topic that is dealt extensively by the international community. For these states sovereignty is a legal fiction which never matches to reality. The political vacuum leads to the nonstate actors taking matters into their own hands and is usually accompanied by the forced displacement of the people. The United Nations confronts the same constraints today as the diplomats and politicians have since time immemorial, and certainly since the beginning of the modern efforts at the multilateral cooperation in the 19th century.

[C.] The International Court of Justice (ICJ):-

The international court of justice even though working for the enforcement of the principles behind the objective of maintenance of peace among the states of the world have been posed by various questions that are the critical areas of thought that concern the epistemology behind the working of the international courts. The states which are prosecuted in the court suffer from various discriminations and differentiations. The trials that are governed or were carried out at Nuremberg etc. follow the traditional principles i.e. TRC Act, 1995. This method has been given the name “Victor’s Justice”. The victor prosecuting the accused in his own sort of understanding and reasoning is clearly presenting the breaking of the basic norm of the law that “nobody could be a judge in his cause”. This method of trial was applied in the Saddam’s trial when USA attacked it after it had the security threats from Iraq that it possessed nuclear weapons of mass destruction. The differentiation and the discrimination which has been done against Saddam have been, clearly witnessed by the world that dreams of making a new world order that involves the concept of Justice. The influence of Gandhian thought is clearly visible in the TRC Act. The basic problem is that most of the overwhelming systems of justice of the contemporary world are penal, and having very less imports of the impressions of peace. There the troublesome atmosphere prevails in the international level. It imposes stress upon the mind that what does the phrase “Taking the state to court” means. The solution is thus provided:

01.

02.

03.

04.

05.

03. DEMOCRACY AND INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY

Democracy as a norm and the promotion of democracy as an activity has become far more deeply embedded within international society in various ways. In the first place, there has been an enormous expansion in the involvement of the UN and regional organization in elections. Electoral assistance has become an established part of UN activities and has also led to development of a broad transnational and trans-governmental network of electoral assistance, party support, and monitoring.second, external actors have routinely become involved in democracy promotion as a result of the expansion in the number and scope of peacekeeping operations, whose multi dimensional character came in many places to include human rights and democracy as well as demilitarization, refugee protection and state-building. In the cases of direct international administration of territory, the assumption of the sovereign power involved both transitional administration and also democratic regime-building. Third, democratic membership criteria have been established in two regions, and, in the case of Europe, democracy, human rights, and minority rights have all played a central part of the process of EU enlargement, the conditionality policies of the EU, and its extensive programme of member-state building. Finally, an increasing body of academic writing has opened up the idea of a legal right to democratic governance. The normative expansion of the international society to include democracy was also driven by political factors. Although there were references to ‘democratic’ rights in UN Declaration, the conditions of the cold war meant that formal incorporation of political democracy into the human rights system was politically impossible. This changed as a result of the wave of transitions from authoritarian rule in Southern Europe and the developing world in the late 1970s and 1980s; and the fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union; by the liberal self-confidence that followed the ending of cold war and the belief that liberal democracy and free markets were sweeping the world; and the consolidation of the place of democracy in US foreign policy. Two broader shifts need to be highlighted, both of which link academic analysis and political perceptions. The first concerns the progress of democratic change and the possibilities of democratization. During the cold war, Western governments were suspicious that the political change would be destabilizing, bringing to power either those who would ally themselves with the Soviet Union or who would challenge western economic interests. Democratization then carried with it some counter-hegemonic potential. It is also widely held in Western capitals and amongst the private sector that authoritarian governments were most suited to promoting economic development. Many academicians argued that, in any case, democracy required a wide range of ‘prerequisites’ that were lacking in many postcolonial societies. The wave of transition that began in Southern Europe and Latin America in the late 1970s ushered in a striking reassessment: democratization becomes the norm rather than the exception; the exception is of generally forward movement; and the democratization appears to be easier and less problematic than had been previously believed. A post-cold war world meant that unstable and potentially oppositional regimes could no longer look to the Soviet Union. And a globalized world meant that economic nationalism was no longer and option. The trade-offs between uncertain democratization, security interests, and economic preferences were apparently easing and a strong sense of difficulties of democracy gave way to an increased sense of ‘possiblism’. The conversion by the mid 1980s of US foreign policy was retold through a different lens that stressed the country’s historic mission to extend and promote democracy. The other important shift in thinking reflected the allegedly proven link between democracy and peace. Democratic peace theory builds on long tradition writing on international relations, often associated with Kant. However, it only formed one part of Kant’s political thought and had already become a liberal commonplace by the end of the 18th century. Other precursors of modern DPT include Karl Deutsch’s writing in the 1950s on security communities- groups of states in which there is real assurance that the members of that community will not fight each other physically but will settle their disputes in some other way. Overlooked or neglected by many studies of war causation, it became a major theme both of academic writing on international relations and of political and public debate on the nature of the post-cold war international order. Theorists argue that two sets of casual factors are important in explaining the democratic peace. In the first place, the structural constraints of democratic institutions and of democratic politics make it difficult or even impossible for war-prone leaders to drag their states into wars. They also stress the joint effect of these democratic constraints, together with the greater openness and transparency of liberal democracies. If both sides are governed by cautious, cost-sensitive politicians that only use force defensively, then conflict is far less likely to occur. Second, democratic peace theorists highlight the importance of normative mechanisms. Liberal and democratic norms include shared understandings of appropriate behavior, stabilize expectations of the future, and are embedded in both institutions and political culture. Rule-governed change is a basic principle; the use of coercive force outside the structure of rules is prescribed; and trust and reciprocity, rule of law are at the heart of democratic politics. From this view, then, the democratic peace is produced by the way in which democracies externalize their domestic political norms of tolerance and compromise into their foreign relations, thus making war with others like them unlikely. The democratic peace hypothesis rests on two claims: (a) that democracies almost never fight each other and very rarely consider the use of force in their mutual relations and (b) that other types of relations are much more conflictual including democracies’ interactions with non-democracies. The claim is almost always made in probabilistic terms. Few claim that it is a deterministic law. It is not a general theory since it is agnostic or at least much less certain about the relationship between democracies and non-democracies. But it provides some grounds for liberal optimism, even if only within the democratic zone. If true, it holds out the possibility that the homogenization of domestic political systems could transform global political order- in marked contrast both to traditional realist accounts of world politics and pluralistic accounts of international society. The main debates surrounding the democratic peace and the main issues raised by critics and skeptics include: (a) the reliability of the statistical evidence for the democratic peace, especially in the pre 1945 period; (b) the existence of alternative casual logics, especially in explaining regional clusters of peaceful states as in Europe or the Americas; (c) the difficulties of defining key terms in the theory, especially war and democracy; (d) and the problems raised by democratization processes and the evidence that, whilst fully consolidated democracies could be peaceful, democratizing states, specially in unstable areas, may be more conflict-prone than authoritarian regimes. Here are certain important issues noted from the speech (annual report) by the UN secretary general which was delivered in the General Assembly in 2007:–

01.

02.

03.

04.

05.

06.

07.

Review:-
01. The situation in Iraq

01. The situation in Iraq

[A.] The global order:-

[A.] The global order:-

01. The situation in Iraq

02. Concerns about Asia

03. Northern Uganda

04. Myanmar and Fiji

[B.] On Peace-keeping attempts of the UN

01.

02.

03.

04.

 

[C.] THE RULE OF LAW:-

 

The rule of law is a fundamental principle on which the United Nations was established. The United Nations goal continues to be a community of nations operating according to rules that promote human rights, human dignity and the settlement of the international disputes through peaceful means. International criminal justice, a concept based on the premise that the achievement of justice provides a firmer foundation for lasting peace, has become a defining aspect of the work of the organization. The international tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda continued to conduct the trials of those accused of war crimes, crimes against humanity and other war crimes. The extraordinary courts charged the defendant for the crimes against humanity and placed him in detention. The courts for Sierra Leone commenced the trials of Charles Taylor and rendered two historic judgments that convicted five defendants for war crimes. In March, the Security Council requested UN to negotiate with the government of Lebanon an agreement aimed at establishing a tribunal to bring justice those accused of the attack that killed the former prime minister of Lebanon, Rafiq Hariri. The Security Council took resolution on 30 May, 2007 for establishment of special tribunal in Lebanon.in order to better the coordinate working of these institutions, at the end of 2006, the report entitled ‘Uniting our strengths: enhancing the United Nations support for the rule of law’ announced the establishment of a rule of law coordination and resource group. The group consists of major rule of law assistance providers in the UN system, who met to ensure that programmes are carried out in a coherent manner and are of high quality commensurate with the need of those requesting the support.

04. PURSUIT OF JUSTICE:-

One of the attractions of an old fashioned state-based pluralism and of a very thin view of international society was precisely that it appeared to offer a way of dealing with diversity and disagreement. If the diversity and the value are such important features of international life, then we should seek to organize global politics in such a way as to give groups scope of the for the collective self-government and cultural autonomy in their own affairs and to reduce the degree to which they will clash over how the world should be ordered. Equally, if the dangers of predation by the powerful are deep-rooted, even if not structurally determined, then we should continue to place a heavy emphasis on sovereignty and on the balance of power. In addition, the skeptical pluralist is attracted to the idea that it might also be possible to develop a cross-cultural consensus over the minimal rules around which a such a limited international society might be built. Hence the attraction to the international society writers of Hart’s notion of a minimum content of natural law built around Hobbesian assumptions. Hence, too null’s emphasis on the ‘elementary conditions of social life’, his attempt to isolate the elementary primary, and universal goals of the society of states; and his analytical effort to link these goals to the historical institutions of the international society. Negotiating the terms of cooperation is certainly a quintessentially political exercise. But it is also an inherently normative one both because acting in the world requires that we think about morally desirable change and because moral debate forms one part of how that political exercise will unfold. As noted in many places in this book, debates on global justice within the political theory and political philosophy have increased enormously in scope and sophistication. There is an increasingly rich array of potential answers to the problems of global political theory, including those related to just war, to humanitarian intervention, distributive justice, and to global democracy. The fragility of global political order makes it unconvincing to see this challenge as a second-order issue of moral methodology.

[I.] Institutional Authority:-

There are three major reasons why institutions are so important: as a means of helping to secure the framework for mutually intelligible moral debate; as a way of securing the stable implementation of shared rules; and in terms of the potential for the progressive development of a global moral community. In the first place, if we are looking for cross-cultural universals, a good case can be made for starting with process and with near-universality of ideas about fairness of process: hearing the other side, providing arguments for one’s actions, finding some mechanism for adjudicating between conflicting moral claims. All stable societies have to find some agreed process and procedure by which more moral conflicts can be adjudicated and managed, if not resolved. Within world politics the challenge is more daunting, given the diversity and divisiveness of sentiments, attachments, languages, cultures and ways of living, combined with massive inequalities of power, wealth, and capacity. Stuart Hampshire has suggested that there is an irreducible minimum to notions of just process. Second, institutions are also necessary because rules have to be applied. The cry of the liberal solidarist or the cosmopolitan moralist is that we need new rules to meet new circumstances. Terrorism requires that international society rethink rules relating to self-defence and the use of force. The degree to which international society is affected morally and practically by the humanitarian catastrophe means that we need new rules on humanitarian intervention. There are good arguments in favour of both these propositions. But it is a myth that, for example, a new rule on humanitarian intervention would obviate the need for the institutions and institutional debate. Even if the rule is agreed and even if the background criteria for evaluation are agreed, all rules have to be interpreted and applied. The new rule of humanitarian intervention will not avoid the need for that rule to be applied to the circumstances of a new case. On the one side, this inevitability raises the fundamental political issue: who is the body that has the authority to interpret and to apply the rule? There have been certain proximities that have been put-forth by Dallymayr. On the other side, we are faced by problems intrinsic to the idea of interpretation and application. Thus cultural and historical complexity makes it difficult to read off judgments in particular cases from general or universal moral laws and there is good reason for supposing that a great deal o the debate over values and ethics in the twenty-first century will necessarily have to be context-rich and interpretative. At one level, this might simply mean that universal principles need to show sensitivity to local context. But the challenge is deeper. Thus Tully follows criticizing in those who demonstrate a contemptuous attitude to the particular case. In terms of institutionalizing global order such a position lends support to a form of practical reasoning that is constantly navigating between the general rule, whether legal or moral, and it’s always contestable application to the facts and circumstances of a particular case. Third, institutions matter because of their potential for self-reinforcing dynamic. Once created, institutions act as platforms for the ongoing normative debates, or the mobilization of concern and for debating and revising ideas about how the international society should be organized. However much social scientists insist on analyzing international institutions solely in terms of the provision of international public goods, normative issues cannot be kept out of the picture. In addition, there is an inherent tendency for all normative systems to expand and develop, and to enmesh actors within certain patterns of discourse, reasoning, and argumentation. Finally, as we have seen, there are good reasons for believing that international institutions have acted as powerful agents for the diffusion and socialization of norms. Assessing the very mixed empirical record of actually existing institutions can have important implications for our views of global justice. Thomas Nagel, for example, has developed a political conception of global justice. Drawing on Hobbesian traditions, he argues that justice arises amongst those jointly subject to coercive authority. His assessment of where international institutions and global governance are ‘for the moment’ is that they fail to meet a crucial test, namely, they are not collectively enacted and coercively imposed in the name of all the individuals whose lives they affect. Yet this view of justice places too much weight on the difference between coercive and non-coercive situations; and, more importantly, underplays the extent of the changes that have in fact taken place in the density of international institutions, in the extent to which they do in tact exercise power and can be said to be co-authored, and in the relationship of both states and individuals to those institutions.others who either deny the possibility of international distributive justice or see it only in highly constrained forms also place great emphasis on the absence or weakness of international institutions or other cooperative arrangements. Thus, society’s main political, social and economic institutions and how they fit into one unified system of social co-operation’ determine the basic structure and govern ‘the initial focus’ of how to think about the matters of justice. But the emphasis here should be on ‘initial’ since Rawls also recognizes the possibility of reinforcing change. When writing about the domestic society, there is a strong sense that the institutions play a central role in moving from self-interested cooperation towards full overlapping consensus. They have important socializing influences on the citizens and Rawls presents a psychological account of how people come to accept and internalize principles of justice. Equally- when looking at international life- change, evolution, and learning are self recognized. ‘The idea of a reasonably just society of well-ordered peoples will not have an important place in a theory of international politics until such peoples exist and have learned to coordinate their actions in wider forms of political, economic and social cooperation. A global moral community in which claims about justice can secure both authority and can be genuinely accessible to a broad swathe of humanity will be one that is built around some minimal notion of just process, that prioritizes institutions that embed procedural fairness, and that cultivates the shared political culture and the habits of argumentation and deliberation on which such institutions necessarily depend. As Judith Shklar puts it; ‘procedural justice is not merely a formal ritual, as is often charged. It is a system that in principle gives everyone some access to the agencies of rectification and, more significantly, the possibility of expressing a sense of injustice to some effect, at least occasionally. It is important here to avoid too sharp distinction between a consent-based view of international legal legitimacy and a justice based view. Procedural legitimacy is not simply about state consent. On the one hand, consent itself may be moderated and mediated by the complexities of legal process, even without disappearing entirely from the international legal order. On the other hand, there are other important values located within the processes of international law. This may be understood in terms of the old arguments about the ‘inner morality’ of law and the rule of law. Or it may involve principles of public law that can be employed to guide international and global law-making. Or, most generally, it may simply involve an insistence that the justification of a position or a case follows an articulated, discernible, and coherent pattern of legal argument that draws on analogies, precedents, and the principles that are compatible with already widely accepted values. Finally, law can be viewed as a sociologically embedded transnational cultural practice in which claims and counterclaims can be articulated and debated and from which norms can emerge that can have at least some determination and argumentative purchase. Law, then, can play a communicative and epistemic role, shaping the conditions within which claims, including justice claims can be made and debated. The modern day Grotian will be inclined to stress the ongoing, unstable and subtle interplay between the sources of law and legal process on the one hand and the content of the law and o legal rules on the other.

[II.] Political Agency:-

That we should on the institutions, on negotiation, and on dialogue and deliberation is hardly an original suggestion. Albeit with significant variation, many have been tempted to go down a broadly Habermasian road-stressing the extent to which the terms of a just global order cannot be based on coercion nor on whatever bargain states and societies happen to be able to strike with one another, but require instead critical reflexion, uncoerced agreement of rational agents via a shared process of deliberation and reasoned justification.there have also been important arguments in favour of creating global institutional frameworks which widen the boundaries of the dialogic community. Even after assuming the presence of the multiple voices, the location of a stable and shared moral vocabulary and some degree of institutional stability, one still needs to ask about the conditions of effective political agency. Within domestic society, Habermas is ambiguous as to how far the discourse principle requires changes merely in procedures of bargaining or changes to the underlying balance of bargaining power itself. But however, we might think about power within domestic society, the conditions of global society make it impossible to evade the issue of unequal bargaining power. The massive inequalities of power and condition; the continued occurrence of war and intervention and the continued willingness of major states to use military power as an instrument of state policy; the role of power in skewing the terms of the global capitalist economy and the close links that exist between globalization and inequality; and the deformity of many of the core institutions of international society-all these point towards the pressing need to consider the minimal political preconditions that might underpin a global moral community in which reasoned deliberation and uncoerced consensus could have begin to have been possible. Although political theorists are perhaps naturally tempted to argue from the ceiling down, the wholly different scale of inequalities that exist in the world politics should push us to think hard about the minimum preconditions for an acceptable international political process. At a minimum this might include: some acceptance of equality of status, respect, and consideration; some capacity for autonomous decision making on the basis of a reasonable information; a degree of uncoerced willingness to participate; a situation in which the most disadvantaged perceive themselves having some stake in the system; and some institutional processes by which the weak and disadvantaged are able to make their voice heard and to express claims about unjust treatment. Apart from concern with the suffering of the most disadvantaged, Rawls gives two very good reasons why we should be concerned with inequality: first, that a large gap between rich and poor ‘often leads to some citizens being stigmatized and treated as inferiors, and that is unjust’; and second, because of the ‘important role of fairness in the political processes of the basic structure of the society of peoples’. Yet, despite ample evidence that some peoples stigmatized and treated the inferiors and still more evidence of the massive unfairness of international political processes, Rawls draws only the feeblest of conclusions as to what needs to be changed globally in the interests of justice. We need to give far greater attention to the links between the political and moral cosmopolitan and to the possible principles of global political justice that might inform those links. A revalidation of process legitimacy and procedural justice is crucial for the development of a stable, effective, and legitimate international society and for the nurturing of meaningfully shared foundations for the discussion of global justice. In a very important sense, the ethical claims of international society rest on the contention that such a society continues to be the most stable set of globally institutionalized political processes by which norms and rules can be negotiated on the basis of dialogue and consent, rather than simply being imposed by the most powerful. There is very little reason for supposing that progress in the direction of moral accessibility, institutional stability, or more balanced and equitable forms of political agency is likely to be easy. It may not be possible at all. There are nevertheless good reasons for believing that it is a direction which continues to be of crucial importance. Understanding how the rope bridge may be spun across the canyon is central both to the chances of world order in the 21st century and to the promotion of greater global justice.

05. PROSECUTING THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMES:-

The threat of terrorism to international peace, security and development remains a pressing issue for the international community. The expansion of UN efforts on counter-terrorism has produced a unique tool, the UN global counter terrorism strategy adopted by the general assembly. The unanimous endorsement of this document marks an historic step, bringing together 192 member states to demonstrate their resolve and ability to defeat the scourge of terrorism. The strategy outlines a coordinated and comprehensive response to terrorism at national, regional and global levels, while ensuring the respect for human rights and the rule of law. It put forward a concrete plan of action to prevent and combat terrorism and to address grievances and underlying social, economic and political conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism. The strategy will have the greatest success if it is fully achieved. This goal can be achieved by strengthening the capacity of the member states and the UN system, and by seeking the involvement of the civil society and the private sector. The main responsibility for implementing the strategy falls on member states. Nevertheless, various secretariat departments, specialized agencies, and UN programmes and funds contribute to this important endeavor by assisting member states with their implementation efforts.

01. OF THE INTERNATIONAL LAWS IN GENERAL

02. TAKING THE STATE TO THE COURT



[A]. State Sovereignty



[B.] Changes And Continuity In The International System

[C.] The International Court of Justice (ICJ)

03. DEMOCRACY AND INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY



[A.] The global order

[B.] On Peace-keeping attempts of the UN

[C.] THE RULE OF LAW

04. PURSUIT OF JUSTICE

[A.] Institutional Authority

[B.] Political Agency

05. PROSECUTING THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMES:-

06. CONCLUSION



01. OF THE INTERNATIONAL LAWS IN GENERAL:-

 

International Humanitarian Law

 

What is International Humanitarian law?

 

Fact sheet providing a summary description of the sources, content and field of application of international humanitarian law.

 

 

 

 

Where did International Humanitarian Law originate?

 

International humanitarian law is rooted in the rules of ancient civilizations and religions – warfare has always been subject to certain principles and customs.

 

Universal codification of international humanitarian law began in the nineteenth century. Since then, States have agreed to a series of practical rules, based on the bitter experience of modern warfare. These rules strike a careful balance between humanitarian concerns and the military requirements of States. As the international community has grown, an increasing number of States have contributed to the development of those rules. International humanitarian law forms today a universal body of law.

 

Historical Convergence between International Humanitarian Law and the Laws of War

 

For most of the 20th century, international humanitarian law or the “Law of Geneva” was distinguished from the “Law of The Hague” or the Laws of War proper. The Law of The Hague “determines the rights and duties of belligerents in the conduct of operations and limits the choice of means in doing harm.” In particular, it concerns itself with the definition of combatants, establishes rules relating to the means and methods of warfare, and examines the issue of military objectives.

 

At the same time, the Law of Geneva, which focuses mainly on human beings as victims of war, is directly inspired by the principle of humanity. It relates to those who are not participating in the conflict as well as military personnel hors de combat. It provides the legal basis for protection and humanitarian assistance carried out by impartial humanitarian organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross. This focus can be found in the Geneva Conventions.

 

With the adoption of the 1977 Protocols to the Geneva Conventions, the two strains of law began to converge. Already before, articles focusing on humanity could be found in the Law of The Hague (i.e. the protection of certain prisoners of war and civilians in occupied territories) articles which were later incorporated into the Law of Geneva in 1929 and 1949). However the Protocols of 1977 relating to the protection of victims in both international and internal conflict not only incorporated aspects of both the Law of The Hague and the Law of Geneva, but also important human rights aspects.

 

Where is International Humanitarian Law to be found?

 

A major part of international humanitarian law is contained in the four Geneva Conventions of 1949.Nearly every State in the world has agreed to be bound by them. The Conventions have been developed and supplemented by two further

 

agreements: the Additional Protocols of 1977 relating to the protection of victims of armed conflicts. Other agreements prohibit the use of certain weapons and military tactics and protect certain categories of people and goods.

 

These agreements include:

 

Ø the 1954 Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, plus its two protocols;

 

Ø the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention;

 

Ø the 1980 Conventional Weapons Convention and its five protocols;

 

Ø the 1993 Chemical Weapons Convention;

 

Ø the 1997 Ottawa Convention on anti-personnel mines;

 

Ø the 2000 Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict. Many provisions international humanitarian law are now accepted as customary law – that is, a general rules by which all States are bound.

 

When does International Humanitarian Law apply?

 

International humanitarian law applies only to armed conflict; it does not cover internal tensions or disturbances such as isolated acts of violence. The law applies only once a conflict has begun, and then equally to all sides regardless of who started the fighting. International humanitarian law distinguishes between international and non-international armed conflict.

 

International armed conflicts are those in which at least two States are involved. They are subject to a wide range of rules, including those set out in the four Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I.

 

Non-international armed conflicts are those restricted to the territory of a single State, involving either regular armed forces fighting groups of armed dissidents, or armed groups fighting each other. A more limited range of rules apply to internal armed conflicts and are laid down in Article 3 common to the four Geneva Conventions as well as in Additional Protocol II. It is important to differentiate between international humanitarian law and human rights law. While

 

some of their rules are similar, these two bodies of law have developed separately and are contained in different treaties. In particular, human rights law– unlike international humanitarian law –applies in peacetime, and many of its provisions may be suspended during an armed conflict.

 

What does International Humanitarian Law cover?

 

International humanitarian law covers two areas:

 

Ø the protection of those who are not, or no longer, taking part in fighting;

 

Ø restrictions on the means of warfare – in particular weapons– and the methods of warfare, such as military tactics.

 

Basic rules of International Humanitarian Law

 

 

What is “protection”?

 

International humanitarian law protects those who do not take part in the fighting, such as civilians and medical and religious military personnel. It also protects those who have ceased to take part, such as wounded, shipwrecked and sick combatants, and prisoners of war. These categories of person are entitled to respect for their lives and for their physical and mental integrity. They also enjoy legal guarantees. They must be protected and treated humanely in all circumstances, with no adverse distinction. More specifically: it is forbidden to kill or wound an enemy who surrenders or is unable to fight; the sick and wounded must be collected and cared for by the party in whose power they find themselves. Medical personnel, supplies, hospitals and ambulances must all be protected. There are also detailed rules governing the conditions of detention for prisoners of war and the way in which civilians are to be treated when under the authority of an enemy power. This includes the provision of food, shelter and medical care, and the right to exchange messages with their families. The law sets out a number of clearly recognizable symbols which can be used to identify protected people, places and objects. The main emblems are the Red Cross, the red crescent and the symbols identifying cultural property and civil defense facilities.

 

What restrictions are there on weapons and tactics?

 

International humanitarian law prohibits all means and methods of warfare which:

 

Ø fail to discriminate between those taking part in the fighting and those, such as civilians, who are not, the purpose being to protect the civilian population, individual civilians and civilian property;

 

Ø cause superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering;

 

Ø cause severe or long-term damage to the environment. Humanitarian law has therefore banned the use of many weapons, including exploding bullets, chemical and biological weapons, blinding laser weapons and anti-personnel mines.

 

Is International Humanitarian Law actually complied with?

 

Sadly, there are countless examples of violation of international humanitarian law. Increasingly, the victims of war are civilians. However, there are important cases where international humanitarian law has made a difference in protecting civilians, prisoners, the sick and the wounded, and in restricting the use of barbaric weapons. Given that this body of law applies during times of extreme violence, implementing the law will always be a matter of great difficulty. That said, striving for effective compliance remains as urgent as ever.

 

What should be done to implement the law?

 

Measures must be taken to ensure respect for international humanitarian law. States have an obligation to teach its rules to their armed forces and the general public. They must prevent violations or punish them if these nevertheless occur. In particular, they must enact laws to punish the most serious violations of the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocols, which are regarded as war crimes. The States must also pass laws protecting the Red Cross and Red Crescent emblems. Measures have also been taken at an international level: tribunals have been created to punish acts committed in two recent conflicts (the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda). An international criminal court, with the responsibility of repressing inter alia war crimes, was created by the 1998 Rome Statute. Whether as individuals or through governments and various organizations, we can all make an important contribution to compliance with international humanitarian law.